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GyG: The Straight Scoop On Those Salty Seadogs, The Seagoing Marines…

July 8, 2007 Leave a comment

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The Corps’ Salty Seadogs Have All But Come Ashore: Seagoing Traditions Founder as New Millenium Approaches

By Herb Richardson and R.R. Keene


Related Resource: Brief History of the Seagoing Marines

Detachments of Marines have served aboard American naval vessels since the beginning of the Continental Marine Corps in 1775. That stretch of more than two centuries ended last May when officials at Marine Headquarters in Washington, D.C., opted to scuttle the detachments to free more Marines for Fleet Marine Force duty.

Although the death knell sounded in 1998, the trend toward reduction of the number of seagoing Marines was noted decades before that time.

For instance, the 1967 edition of “The Marine Officer’s Guide” explained to young officers, “Since World War II and the Korean War, and even more today, the great permanent expansion of the Marine Corps has unfortunately been accompanied by a corresponding reduction in the number of ships of the Navy carrying Marine detachments, with the result that sea duty is a much rarer tour for the young officer than in the past.”

How deep is the tradition of seagoing Marines?

It goes right into the heart of the Corps–to the reason the organization was born–to its oldest and original duty.

The concept of marines goes far back into naval history. A study of warships over the past 2,500 years will almost always turn up marines of some form or fashion. The ancient Greeks were known to put 20 to 30 dedicated archers on their war vessels.

American Marines don’t go quite that far back. They arrived on the scene, albeit as English colonists, in 1740, first commanded by Alexander Spotswood, the governor of the colony of Virginia. He didn’t get to do battle with the four battalions raised to face the Spaniards in the War of Austrian Succession. Spotswood died shortly after assuming command.

But the Marines did fight here and there in the continent’s formative years and soon became fixtures on the war vessels of the time. Their duties were to enforce discipline aboard ship, help the sailors going into battle, lead landing and boarding parties, help with the cannon fire and deliver rifle fire from aloft during sea skirmishes.

Then came the American Revolution, the famous Maritime Commission Meetings headed by John Adams at Philadelphia’s Tun Tavern and the founding resolution passed by Congress Nov. 10, 1775:

“Resolved, that two Battalions of Marines be raised consisting of one Colonel, two Lieutenant Colonels, two Majors & Officers as usual in other regiments, that they consist of an equal number of privates with other battalions; that particular care be taken that no person be appointed to office or inlisted (sic) into said battalions, but such are good seamen, or so acquainted with maritime affairs as to be able to serve to advantage by sea, when required.”

The passage of that resolution is the now-celebrated birthdate of the United States Marine Corps, then known as the Continental Marines.

Tun Tavern figured prominently in the Marine affairs of the day. The Philadelphia tavern became the Corps’ first recruiting headquarters where able-bodied men were lured into signing on the dotted line for six and two-thirds dollars per month, and every day a ration of a pound each of bread, beef or pork, potatoes or turnips, or a half-pound of peas, and a half-pint of rum.

There was also butter once a week, pudding twice and cheese three times a week. In addition, they were issued green and white uniforms, if the clothing was available.

Inn owner and ace recruiter Samuel Nicholas was commissioned as a captain and charged with taking nearly 300 of the country’s new Marines to New Providence Island, in the Bahamas, where it was known the British had large stores of gun powder, arms and ammunition–war staples for which General George Washington had great need.

After a two-week voyage from Maryland, on March 3, 1776, the Marines seized two forts in the face of almost zero-resistance to capture guns, powder (less than anticipated because the governor had slipped most of that valuable commodity out the back door before the invasion), cannon balls, mortars and shells for the latter weapons. Nicholas, the expedition leader, is considered to be the first Commandant of the Marine Corps.

During the attack on the forts the Marines took three rounds of cannon fire that hurt no one.

The return trip was different.

Britain’s HMS Glasgow turned her 20 guns on the squadron transporting the Marines at Block Island. When the smoke cleared, seven Marines lay dead and four others were wounded. The British ship reported four killed and wounded.

Seagoing marines were involved in many of the battles of the war for America’s independence, sometimes delivering their rifle fire from platforms rigged high over the ships, and sometimes on land–but almost always near the coastal waters of their struggling new country.

When peace came with the Treaty of Versailles, Nov. 30, 1783, the American Navy and the Continental Marines were disbanded. The Marines had grown to 124 officers and 3,000 enlisted men.

The concepts of a national Navy and Marine Corps lay dead in the water until March 1794, when Congress authorized construction of six frigates, all of which were to have Marine detachments.

This buildup was triggered by the habit of sailors from Algiers capturing U.S. vessels and holding them and their crews for ransom. This happened 11 times in 1793. In addition, European powers continued to wage war, and Americans were pressured to break their position of neutrality.

The frigates United States, Constellation and Constitution were launched in 1797, and the Congressional Act of July 1, 1797, followed. The act specified five lieutenants, eight sergeants, eight corporals, three drummers, three fifers and 140 privates to man the ships’ detachments of Marines.

The strength of the Corps’ seagoing Marines continued to grow.

In 1802 President Thomas Jefferson pulled the plug again. It was considered by some to be a shortsighted attempt to get a handle on the growing national debt. Ships were decommissioned, and some were even dismantled. The Marines suffered, too, with a cutback to 26 officers and 453 men.

But the Marines and sailors had managed to wreak havoc on the French before President Jefferson wielded his budget ax.

The fledgling sea warriors in 1798 turned to the task of driving French cruisers and privateers from America’s coast. But the French simply withdrew to various sites in the West Indies, where they could continue to ambush American trade vessels.

This set the scene for several heavy sea duels when the Americans sailed their ships of war into the island waters to stem the predations of the French marauders.

USS Delaware was the first American ship to claim a French prize in early July 1798. The encounter was brief.

The French 40-gun ship Insurgente fought a spirited battle Feb. 7, 1799, but was captured by Constellation. The same American ship got into a five-hour firefight with the 52-gun frigate Vengeance about a year later. The French vessel struck her colors in surrender three times, but the signal was missed in the dark of night. Casualties were heavy on both ships, and both vessels were heavily damaged and barely able to make port.

Lieutenant Bartholomew Clinch commanded the Marine detachment during both battles. His Marines reportedly contributed greatly to the victories and suffered more than their share of casualties.

There were also some landings during this period. Marine Lt. James Middleton led a landing party of Marines from Merrimack and Patapsco to help save the port of Curaçao from the invading French.

Other Marines went ashore in support of an operation to seize an English ship being held under heavy cannon cover at Puerto Plata Harbor in Santo Domingo.

As the trouble with France neared a conclusion triggered by dozens of captured and sunken French ships, the mighty frigate Enterprise, with a detachment of 16 Marines, began predations of its own. In 1800 the ship’s crew captured nine French privateers, took back 11 American vessels and took down a Spanish brig of war after the latter ship sought an encounter.

In the last month of that year the stalwart American ship captured the 10-gun privateer L’Aigle and engaged and beat the superior vessel Flambeau after a tough fight. Marines and their small-arms fire were credited with a major role in the Flambeau battle outcome.

President Jefferson’s budget-inspired standdown soon came to an end as countries such as Algiers, Morocco, Tunis and Tripoli extorted a couple million dollars a year, roughly one-fifth of the national income, either as ransom for captured Americans or as tolls to allow American ships to sail the Mediterranean waters.

In 1805, Tripoli’s leader declared war on the United States because he didn’t think he was getting a full slice of the American pie. The pirates of Tripoli went so far as to capture the frigate Philadelphia and imprison the crew that included 44 Marines.

Navy Lt. Stephen Decatur and a complement of men that included eight Marines under the command of Sergeant Solomon Wren sailed the captured ketch Intrepid into the harbor at Tripoli, boarded Philadelphia, overpowered the pirates and burned the ship to the waterline to keep it from being used against the Americans.

One of the most daring, historic feats of this war involved Lt. Presley O’Bannon and a few other Marines, who, along with a group of Greeks, Arabs, Turks and an assortment of mercenaries, caravaned 600 miles across the searing heat of the Libyan desert to the harbor fort of Derna. The assault on the fort and nearby castle was envisioned as a joint forces operation. It did not go according to plan, but O’Bannon and his men, including a small English force, assaulted the fort and carried through their objective.

Then the Stars and Stripes was raised for the first time in that part of the world. The Marines turned the fort’s cannons on the castle of the governor and soon drove the remaining defenders out of the battle. This matter spawned a couple of lines of a song about the “Halls of Montezuma to the shores of Tripoli.”

Seven years later, during the War of 1812, a seagoing marine became the only leatherneck to command a Navy vessel. Lt. John Marshall Gamble, with 31 Marines, sailed aboard Essex Oct. 22, 1812.

The Essex crew captured three English whaling ships which were fitted for combat, and Gamble was given command of one of them, Greenwich.

In 1813, Gamble and a crew of 14 men engaged a British whaler. The American commander used the best of naval strategy to block the escape of the English ship, then maneuvered into position for a few broadside cannon volleys and convinced the English sailors to strike their colors in surrender.

The ship was Seringapatam–the terror of American whalers in the pacific until that day in July when the English vessel and crew encountered the Marine-commanded warship in the Gálapagos Islands.

Gamble later had a big problem with a mutiny after being left to hold some fortifications in the Marquesas Islands. The main body of ships and sailors was to return later, but were instead captured. Gamble was soon beset with the mutiny, which he, his Marines and some loyal sailors were unable to contain. They fled, were later captured in the Sandwich Islands and held captive until the end of the war. Gamble later reached New York during August 1815, where he was promoted to major and later Lieutenant colonel. He retired from the Marine Corps in 1834.

A young Marine captain served aboard Constitution during that war and was involved in the battle with Java Dec. 29, 1812, after engagements with Cyane and Levant during February of the same year.

Archibald Henderson was cited for his actions while on sea duty, promoted to brevet major in 1814 and went on to become a brigadier general, the fifth Commandant of the Marine Corps and the man who would guide and shape the Corps for more than 38 of its most formative years.

Another legendary Marine, Major General Smedley Butler, known as “Old Gimlet Eye,” pulled his sea duty some time later. Butler was awarded his first Medal of Honor for his actions in Vera Cruz, Mexico. The second came a year later, in 1915, for bravery and forceful leadership as commander of a detachment of Marines and seamen of USS Connecticut in repulsing Caco bandit resistance at Fort Riviere, Haiti.

During the time between Henderson and Butler, seagoing Marines, among other duties:

  • fought the Barbary pirates and pirates in the Caribbean
  • fought Indians and pirates in Florida
  • held a flag-raising ceremony in Oregon to cement U.S. claims to the western territory
  • landed in Haiti to protect American lives and interests
  • battled a fire in the Virgin Islands that threatened to burn St. Thomas.
  • landed in the Falkland Islands to protect American lives and property
  • landed in Sumatra, Argentina, Peru and several South Sea islands to protect Americans
  • acted to suppress slave trade
  • partook of diplomatic ceremonies in Japan
  • landed in China several times to protect American lives and property
  • landed in the Fiji Islands to avenge the murders of American seamen
  • fought on both sides in most of the major sea battles of the Civil War
  • fought the battle of the “Citadel” in Korea
  • landed in Haiti and Egypt on peace-keeping missions and
  • fought in the Spanish-American War.

As the storm clouds of World War I began looming on the horizon, Marine strength ashore was growing. With the advent of steamships that strength was more easily and rapidly projected to trouble spots around the world.

But even as transportation grew quicker and more reliable, and the threat of mutiny became almost nonexistent, shipboard Marines found ways to help in time of war.

During World War II, with the spotlight on the landings of divisions on obscure islands, a Marine detachment aboard the cruiser Philadelphia landed at the port of Safi, French Morocco, to secure the airport there until the Army could arrive. That’s where the Marine Detachment celebrated the Marine Corps Birthday in 1942.

June 6, 1944, was a journey back to the past. Marines took their rifles aloft during the Normandy invasion with the mission to shoot and detonate floating mines in the paths of ships in the English Channel as the invading force made its way to the soon-to-be-bloodied beaches. They also manned secondary batteries in cruisers and battleships.

Marines from USS Philadelphia (CL-41) and Augusta (CA-31) went ashore Aug. 29, 1944, during the invasion of southern France to take charge of some 700 Germans who had been manning fortified garrisons around the French harbor of Marseilles.

They manned naval guns as Japanese suicide bombers off Iwo Jima, the Philippines and Okinawa threw themselves at the U.S. Navy’s largest and most powerful war ships. There were also Marines on board the battleship USS Missouri (BB-63) in Tokyo Bay, when the “kamikaze” attacks finally failed and the defeated Japanese were humbled into signing a formal surrender on Sept. 2, 1945.

The end of the war also saw the dawning of the atomic age and the start of more than four decades of cold war with the Soviet Union. Initially, the U.S. military, made up [of] citizen soldiers serving for the duration of WW II, quickly reduced in size, but carefully redefined the individual services’ roles and missions.

The National Security Act of 1947, Title 10, United States Code 5013 essentially reaffirmed in writing the Corps’ seagoing mission: “the Marine Corps shall provide detachments and organizations for service on armed vessels of the Navy, and shall provide security detachments for the protection of naval property at naval stations and bases.”

When war broke out in 1950 on the Korean Peninsula, the Navy responded by sending essentially the same carriers, battleships and cruisers it had used in World War II. There would, however, be no sea battles such as those at Midway, the Coral Sea and off Guadalcanal; not in the Korean War or, for that matter, not anywhere on the high seas for the next five decades. Naval guns were essentially for artillery which fired in support of Marines and soldiers slugging it out in the hills just up from the sea. Naval aviation cleared the skies and provided floating airfields, which supported strategic and tactical maneuvering on land. However, the Marine detachments remained basically unchanged in their duties at sea.

As the Cold War and the technology it spawned escalated, and ships were sent to the shores of Lebanon, Santo Domingo, Formosa, Cuba and a place in French Indochina called Vietnam, Marines served aboard carriers and cruisers–some of which had become nuclear powered and nuclear capable. Battleships, in and out of mothballs since shortly after Korea, were for the most part out of service, with one exception. Marines were aboard the battleship USS New Jersey (BB-62) as she sent shells from her 16-inch guns onto targets on the Ho Chi Minh Trail and dug in behind rice paddy dikes on the coastal plain (during Tet of 1968 she fired 3,615 16-inch shells and 11,500 5-inch shells supporting leathernecks). Marines were serving in the aircraft carriers on “Yankee Station” and in the Tonkin Gulf. When a missile from an aircraft accidentally exploded July 29, 1967, on the deck of USS Forrestal (CVA-59), killing 134 and injuring 64, Marines helped fight the fires and provided damage control with their fellow shipmates.

There is no doubt that the members of the Marine detachments and sailors of the ship’s complement saw themselves as shipmates, and for the Marines, in particular, sea duty had become a career enhancer and a proud tradition.

Navy regulations, Paragraph 1047 stated in part; “A Marine Detachment detailed to duty on board a ship of the Navy shall form a separate division thereof. Its functions shall be: (1) To provide for operations ashore, as a part of the ships landing force; or as a part of the landing force of Marines from ships of the fleet or subdivision thereof; or as an independent force for limited operations. (2) To provide gun crews. (3) To provide internal security of a ship. (4) To provide for the proper rendering of military honors.” They also provided the ship’s captain an orderly, brig sentries and special weapons (read nuclear) sentries.

Detachments usually consisted of two officers and 35 to 44 Marines on cruisers and two officers with 46 to 55 leathernecks on carriers. They still manned 5-inch, single or dual mounted guns, 3-inch guns or twin .50-caliber machine guns, trained sailors for landing parties and taught small-unit tactics.

The officers found sea duty professionally enhancing. In addition to their duties with the detachment, additional duties included air spotting on cruisers and battleships, serving as legal officers or on courts-martial and special boards, and as officers of the deck when in port. As such, the Marine officers were involved in naval matters which their fellow officers in the Fleet Marine Force were seldom exposed to.

In 1958, Captain William M. Cryan, who commanded a detachment in the cruiser USS Los Angeles (CA-135), wrote in the Marine Corps Gazette: “Professionally, sea duty places relatively junior officers and Staff NCOs on their own. There is no battalion or regiment to bail them out when they run into trouble. Sea duty teaches how to command, if only from forcing you to do it yourself.”

Also in 1958, Major George C. Fox, another former Mar Det commander, wrote in Gazette: “Few if any assignments nowadays place a junior officer with troops so ‘far away from the Marine Corps’ as does sea duty. The Detachment CO stands or fails on his own. And what better training!”

The times, however, were changing. As ships replaced guns with guided missiles and computer controlled weapons systems for defense, the role of Marine detachments started getting a closer scrutiny. The last gun cruiser, USS Oklahoma City (CL-91), flagship of the Seventh Fleet, was retired in the late 1970s. Her replacement, the amphibious command ship USS Blue Ridge (LCC-19), became flagship in 1979 with her sister ship, USS Mount Whitney (LCC-20), becoming flagship of the Second Fleet in 1981. Initially, both had Marine detachments. However, both were built specifically for an amphibious command-ship role, and as such had other Marines aboard whose duties were directly related to the combat operations center helping direct and coordinate leatherneck operations ashore.

Little by little the Navy and Marine Corps stripped the brass buttons away from the ship’s detachments. In 1979 then-Commandant of the Marine Corps General Louis H. Wilson signed a new mission statement:

“Provide security for special weapons storage spaces and for the transfer of special weapons aboard the ship, provide physical security for the ship; provide gun crews, as required; and perform such other appropriate duties when so ordered by competent authority. However, these additional duties may not detract from or interfere with the performance of the primary duties.”

Further, Marine detachments dropped the duties of supplying landing parties and overseeing ships’ brigs.

When Gen. Paul X. Kelley became Commandant in 1986, he further revised the mission statement for Marine detachments, declaring they were to “provide security for special weapons storage spaces and for the transfer of special weapons aboard the ship. Perform such other appropriate duties when so ordered by competent authority. However, these additional duties may not detract or interfere with the primary duties.”

Those duties, although diminished, were worth noting. In the 1980s and early 1990s battleships were brought back to life again. Marines were with New Jersey when she shelled terrorist camps in the hills beyond Beirut after the 1983 barracks and embassy bombing. They were on board USS Iowa (BB-61) when one of her massive gun turrets exploded, killing 47, and helped provide damage control. They watched Tomahawk cruise missiles launch from USS Wisconsin (BB-64) headed for downtown Baghdad in the first barrage of Desert Storm Jan. 16, 1991.

However, using Marines to provide security for special weapons on ships had become selective. While most of the U.S. Navy’s men-of-war were special weapons capable, many questioned why Marines provided security for little more than 10 percent of the ships.

It, of course, boiled down to manpower and priorities. Reductions in forces during the late 1970s and again in the 1990s forced the Corps to reevaluate how to best meet its mission under the National Security Act of 1947. The nation had also entered into another dangerous era, one which created new, tough problems and difficult answers: namely, how to deal with the threat of international terrorism.

In the late 1980s, officials created the Marine Corps Security Forces (MCSF) in order to “provide trained MCSF personnel and cadres to security departments at designated Navy installations; provide mobile training teams to support antiterrorism training at Naval installations; augment training at Naval installations; augment fleet/force Inspectors General to oversee employment and use of Naval Security Forces at navy installations; to maintain a Fleet Antiterrorism Security Team for deployment as directed by the Chief of Naval Operations.”

Last Seagoing Detachment Stands Down Friday, May 1 marked a historic day for the Navy/Marine Corps team. The Navy’s last Marine Detachment (MarDet) aboard an aircraft carrier bid farewell to the ship that had been its home since 1993.

In a ceremony held in Hangar Bay Two on board USS George Washington (CVN-73), Captain Lindell G. Rutherford, the ship’s commanding officer, called it “the end of an era in Marine Corps history.”

“It’s been a great piece of history between Mar Det and these, the Navy’s capital ships,” Rutherford said. “We cannot allow [MarDet] to just walk down the brow without celebrating what has truly been a great marriage between sailors and Marines on board aircraft carriers.”

During the ceremony, First Lieutenant Grant Goodrich, GW’s Marine Detachment commanding officer, took the opportunity to reflect on the traditional relationship between the two services. “[Marines] have served as riflemen, as gunners… soldiers on ships,” Goodrich said. “Today marks a sad day as that traditional relationship changes, but Marine security forces will continue to serve elsewhere in the Navy community. This has been, is now and will always be our job.”

That job has carried the Marine Detachment through three Mediterranean/Arabian Gulf deployments and through the Suez Canal a total of eight times. It’s an experience Mar Det Marines called unique.

According to Mar Det guard member Lance Corporal Tom T. Mews from Wisconsin Rapids, Wis., “It was an opportunity I never knew existed when I joined the Marine Corps.”

“I cannot image a better environment in which to operate or a better environment to lead Marines,” Goodrich agreed. “I want to thank the Marines for their dedication to the security of the ship and to each other. They truly embody the spirit of the Marines–Semper Fidelis–always faithful. They are faithful to the command, faithful to each other and to the mission.”

Gunnery Sergeant Henry J. Tomasko Jr., the Mar Det guard chief, said the carrier duty was anything but boring.

“I’ve worked with some outstanding Marines here. They were very motivated,” he said. “When I got here, I needed a shot of motivation, and that’s what I got from every one of them.”

–JO3 Pete Robertson

The Marine detachments fell under the umbrella of this new organization.

Today, when the Navy and Marine Corps want quick and effective protection against terrorism, sabotage and physical security, they look to the MCSF headquartered in Norfolk, Va., and trained in Chesapeake, Va. These Marines spend time analyzing job requirements, designating and developing training programs, implementing and evaluating instruction for the purpose of standardizing training in physical security and antiterrorism measures, combat weapons skills and tactical response techniques to Marines and sailors assigned security duties.

The ongoing antiterrorism efforts greatly changed many of the traditional roles of Marine security forces both afloat and ashore. The image of brass-buttoned leathernecks, bedecked in blues, checking passes at Navy gates or as admiral’s orderly on the bridge of a nuclear carrier, while not completely outdated, was becoming less a mission.

In the end, however, there really weren’t many ships left for the Marines to provide detachments. The battleships have again been mothballed or turned into floating memorials and museums. The modern cruisers, armed and packed with guided-missiles, have little room or mission for Marines. The Navy also began enhancing its own master-at-arms for ships’ security. The amphibious command ships gave up their Marine detachments in the early 1990s. And the nation’s remaining 11 carriers have for years been scaled down to one officer and 25 enlisted Marines in each detachment.

To make matters worse, in 1997 the Quadrennial Defense Review recommended more than 3,000 cuts from the Corps’ nonoperating forces. The largest cut was made by removing 1,771 billets from the MCSF battalion. The Commandant had decided to beef up the Fleet Marine Force in favor of the ships’ detachments, a strategic manpower decision he was forced to make.

By January 1998 All Marine Corps Message 24/98 announced that all Marine ships’ detachments (totalling 11 officers/275 enlisted) were to be disestablished. The nondeployed detachments stood down on Jan. 31, while the remaining deployed detachments were to stand down following their deployments.

Those Marines from the disestablished detachments were to be used to create a second Fleet Antiterrorism Security Team (FAST) company.

Marines from the Corps’ two FAST companies will be rotationally deployed and placed under the control of the commanders in chief, U.S. Naval Forces Europe, Pacific fleet, and commander, U.S. Naval Forces Central Command for assignments as required.

One of their missions is, if needed, to provide security aboard ships.

So for now a 223-year tradition comes to an end. And although there are Marines still afloat aboard the amphibious ships of the Navy, which carry them to the fight, the brightwork of the Navy’s capital ships will certainly lack some old luster.


Source: Richardson, Herb and R.R. Keene. “The Corps’ Salty Seadogs Have All But Come Ashore: Seagoing Traditions Founder as New Millenium Approaches.” Leatherneck 81, no. 11 (November 1998): 16-23.

Acknowledgment: The Navy Department Library gratefully acknowledges Leatherneck magazine for granting permission to post this article on the Naval Historical Center website. All rights reserved by Leatherneck.


22 February 2006

http://www.history.navy.mil/library/online/corps%20salty%20dogs.htm
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Mexica Movement: Worldview and Agendas

July 8, 2007 1 comment

Mexica Movement: Worldview and Agendas

By John Perazzo
Discover The Networks
April 2006

http://tinyurl.com/ynpx36

The Mexica Movement (MM) derives its name from “Mexica” (Meh-shee-kah), which is purportedly the original Aztec way of pronouncing “Mexican.”

MM calls itself “the Nican Tlaca (Indigenous) rights educational organization for the people of Anahuac [Ah-nah-wahk] .” Anahuac is what the Mexica Movement calls “the true name of our nation,” which it says European “invaders” unjustly “stole,” carved up, and renamed. MM rejects the legitimacy of all North and Central American nations named or established by Europeans — including not only the U.S., but also Canada, Mexico, Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, and Belize. “All of these are false and invalid labels created by trespassers, ” says MM. “…These artificial divisions of our continent and our people are the result of the last 500 years of European colonialism, Genocide, forced relocations, and other crimes.”

The Mexica Movement takes pains to distinguish itself from what it terms “the Spain-centric and error-filled ‘Aztlan’ … agenda,” which calls for Mexico’s “re-conquest” of the American Southwest. MM’s aims go much farther, seeking “the total liberation of our Anahuac continent (‘North America’) not just to where the European Spaniards drew their colonial borders on our continent.” According to MM, this includes every portion of what are currently called Canada, the United States, Mexico, and Central America.

MM views existing borders as the arbitrary constructs of “illegal squatter descendants” of “pirates” who are illegally occupying land that is not rightfully theirs. “This whole continent is our homeland,” says MM. “We are not bound by the colonial illegal boundaries of the Europeans … We have no obligation to be foreigners in our own land, on our own continent.” In MM’s calculus, the entire North American land mass should be open to the unfettered migrations of all its indigenous inhabitants — who constitute “one Anahuac nation” whose far-flung, disparate populations are linked by “historic[al], cultural, linguistic, and racial factors.” By this reasoning, white Americans (like their ancestors before them) are the real “illegals” — intruders in a land where they do not rightfully belong.

MM describes itself as an “Indigenous rights educational organization for the Nican Tlaca people of the occupied lands of our continent.” The ultimate objective of this “education” is to render Europeans “shamed and forced to acknowledge that they are collectively thieves of our continent, Genocidal murderers, and that they are in a criminal occupation, possession, and exploitation of our continent and all of its wealth.”

MM summarizes the white European influence in North America as follows: “Terrorism is European colonialism’s main tool against Non-European people all over the world. … This first attack was by the pirate-terrorist Columbus and his raping criminal racist thugs. … Colonialism is the European parasitic habitual crime of invading other people’s land, stealing their resources, destroying their society, committing genocide against the majority of the people … enslaving the remaining population, and culturally annihilating them.”

In MM’s view, the only equitable resolution to this horrific legacy is for Europeans to make “full reparations for our people,” “return the continent to its rightful heirs,” and “go home to their homeland: Europe.” “We are only asking unwelcomed guests to leave our home,” explains MM, which likens Europeans to “parasites” and “a cancer” which must “be removed” from Anahuac. Not absolving modern-day Europeans of shared guilt for the crimes of their ancestors, MM says, “These crimes … are collective European crimes because you have all benefited from these crimes. We will not let you weasel yourselves out of your past crimes or allow you to continue in your current parasitic behavior.”

MM’s ultimate objective is to restore Anahuac (North America) to the glory it supposedly knew in pre-Columbian times: “We were once a great civilization of large cities, large towns …We were once the greatest astronomers, the greatest mathematicians, a people dedicated to science and logic, law and justice … We were once architects, engineers, doctors, men and women of books, of cities … a people of tremendous industry, vast commerce, men and women of great intellect … morally and ethically superior to any European.” “The European Genocide of our people,” laments MM, “destroyed our Einsteins, Shakespeares, Newtons, and all of the other possibilities for greatness that our nation had in the last 500 years.”

Lamenting further that its ideal of racial purity has been somewhat compromised by the interbreeding that has occurred during the “European colonialism and racism that has enslaved us for over 500 years,” MM nonetheless declares: “Being Mixed-blood … does not stop us from being Nican Tlaca, no matter how ‘white’ one looks. The shades and physical looks of our Mixed-blood people are just scars from the rape of our nation. These scars do not define us! Our core blood, our Pre-European history, our heritage, and our land are all what define us!”

MM’s intent is to ” win our continent and our lands back through a disciplined united educational liberation war.” Toward this end, MM teaches what it calls “the truth of Columbus: thief, murderous savage monster.” It condemns “the crimes of the Europeans, genocidal users of biological weapons [that] killed 95% of us.” “Smallpox,” says MM, “was their favorite weapon. … They also enjoyed doing torture, mutilation, rape, massacres. … We must learn the truth … o f the holocaust that happened here to us: 23 million of us killed in Mexico and ‘Central America,’ 10 million more of us killed in Canada and the ‘U.S.’ … Genocide. Our Holocaust.” In another section of its website, MM says, “In the whole of the Western Hemisphere (‘the Americas’), 70 to 100 million of our people were killed, mostly using biological warfare in the form of smallpox.”

Characterizing “the white man” as “the thief,” “the occupier,” and “the enslaver,” MM views the legalization of all illegal immigrants as a crucial step in the Nican Tlaca quest to regain “control” of Anahuac. As MM explains, this is simply a matter of demographics: “The white man’s days on our continent are limited. … Remember that our numbers are growing in ‘The United States of America.’ We were only 4% in the 1970 census. We were 14% in the 2000 census. … We will easily be the majority of the population of the ‘USA’ in 2100. … This is our continent … it will be ours again, in our control.”

While working toward that long-range goal, MM counsels its people to steadfastly eschew any impulse to assimilate into America’s illegitimate society or to embrace its inherently corrupt values. “We are educating our people against the ignorant suicidal assimilation into European blood and culture,” says MM. “… Assimilation is the slow motion kill. Assimilation means marrying white to kill the brown in us, to kill the heart of us. Assimilation means the end of us. Assimilation sucks us down into the white race. Assimilation kills our race. Assimilation is the death of us. Assimilation is racism. Assimilation is Genocide.”

Just as the Mexica Movement rejects the validity of American borders, so does it reject Western-imposed “racist colonial” labels such as “Hispanic” and “Latino” — terms MM claims were designed to “‘kill off’ our people’s true identity, history, independence, and our rights to our land and its wealth.”

MM advocates a form of socialism / communism as an economic ideal, but rejects “European people’s Eurocentric Marxist … social agendas [that] ignore or minimize … the ongoing racist crimes of the Europeans.” Claiming that Karl Marx himself derived his “best solutions” from “research[ing] … our Nican Tlaca societies,” MM says, “We don’t need the European Karl Marx interpreting the success of our ancestors’ collective societies to us. With proper study, we can interpret ourselves to ourselves a lot better than Mr. Karl Marx.”

“But worse than the Marxist approach for our people,” says MM, “is the suicidal embrace of individualism, materialism, capitalism, ‘Christianity’ … Each of these approaches offer us the ‘opportunity’ to work within colonialism — and the guaranteed extermination of our people. … We are today in the process of being digested by the worldwide European empire that has been built on massive piracy, exploitation, lies, oppression, racism, slavery, cultural destruction, and genocide.”

MM denies that it is a racist organization. “Racism only comes in when one race oppresses another because of their race,” explains MM. “We are not now capable of oppressing Europeans, nor do we intend to oppress Europeans. We intend to educate Europeans on the crimes of their ancestors. We want to show them the injustice of our enslavement to their interests and the ongoing theft of our wealth of the natural resources of our continent.”

The Mexica Movement does not confine its activism solely to the goal of returning North America to its pre-Columbian “owners.” It is also a staunch supporter of Palestinian militarism and terrorism. MM is a member of the bitterly anti-Israel “Free Palestine Coalition,” along with such organizations as the American Arab-Anti-Discrimination Committee, Ramsey Clark ‘s Marxist-Leninist International Action Center, Committee in Solidarity with the People of El Salvador (CISPES), the Socialist Workers Party, the Council on American Islamic Relations, the National Lawyers Guild , the Palestinian American Women Association, Veterans For Peace, the Humanitarian Law Project , Coalition in Solidarity with Cuba, the Chapter of the Committee of Correspondence for Democracy and Socialism, the All African People’s Revolutionary Party , Friends of Sabeel, the Black Radical Congress, the Freedom Socialist Party, Radical Women, and the Islamic Association for Palestine .

http://tinyurl.com/ynpx36

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Believes that North America was unjustly “stolen” from its rightful owners by white Europeans

July 8, 2007 Leave a comment

http://tinyurl.com/3yruef

http://www.DiscoverTheNetwork.org Date: 7/8/2007 3:00:34 PM

MEXICA MOVEMENT (MM)
PO Box 5088
Huntington Park, CA
90255-9088

Phone :(323) 981-0352
Email :cuicatl@earthlink.net
URL : http://www.mexica-movement.org/

* Believes that North America was unjustly “stolen” from its rightful owners by white Europeans
* Rejects the legitimacy of any North or Central American nation named or established by Europeans
* Advocates open borders
* Calls for the expulsion of all whites from North America

Regarding the current debate over illegal immigration to the United States, Mexica Movement leader Olin Tezcatlitoca says that “Europeans forced their way into our [North American] continent” and now “should go home.” “This is outrageous,” he says, “for us who are indigenous people to be told we cannot migrate on our own land. … Kind of like the Jews wanted to take their land back after 2,000 years. We’re saying we lost this land 150 years ago in a clearly unjust war, in a clearly racist war against our people.” Tezcatlitoca adds: “We want to reframe this whole question, not about our people being illegals but about Europeans being illegal. It’s something that European people should be ashamed of … [W]hen they say ‘Okay, how can we right this?’ then we can have a real discussion.” In Tezcatlitoca’s view, other Hispanic and Chicano advocacy groups are not nearly radical enough. He describes the National Council of La Raza as a “mainstream organization which isn’t working in the interests of the people,” and characterizes MEChA as being “more like college party clubs.”

The Mexica Movement (MM) derives its name from “Mexica” (Meh-shee-kah), which is purportedly the original Aztec way of pronouncing “Mexican.”

MM calls itself “the Nican Tlaca (Indigenous) rights educational organization for the people of Anahuac [Ah-nah-wahk].” Anahuac is what the Mexica Movement calls “the true name of our nation,” which it says European “invaders” unjustly “stole,” carved up, and renamed. MM rejects the legitimacy of all North and Central American nations named or established by Europeans — including not only the U.S., but also Canada, Mexico, Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, and Belize.

The Mexica Movement takes pains to distinguish itself from what it terms “the Spain-centric and error-filled ‘Aztlan’ … agenda,” which calls for Mexico’s “re-conquest” of the American Southwest. MM’s aims go much farther, seeking “the total liberation of our Anahuac continent (‘North America’) not just to where the European Spaniards drew their colonial borders on our continent.” According to MM, this includes every portion of what are currently called Canada, the United States, Mexico, and Central America.

MM views existing borders as the arbitrary constructs of squatters who are illegally occupying land that is not rightfully theirs. “This whole continent is our homeland,” says MM. “We are not bound by the colonial illegal boundaries of the Europeans … We have no obligation to be foreigners in our own land, on our own continent.” In MM’s calculus, the entire North American land mass should be open to the unfettered migrations of all its indigenous inhabitants — who constitute “one Anahuac nation” whose far-flung, disparate populations are linked by “historic[al], cultural, linguistic, and racial factors.” By this reasoning, white Americans (like their ancestors before them) are the real “illegals” — intruders in a land where they do not rightfully belong.

MM summarizes the white European influence in North America as follows: “Terrorism is European colonialism’s main tool against Non-European people all over the world. … This first attack was by the pirate-terrorist Columbus and his raping criminal racist thugs. … Colonialism is the European parasitic habitual crime of invading other people’s land, stealing their resources, destroying their society, committing genocide against the majority of the people … enslaving the remaining population, and culturally annihilating them. …”

In MM’s view, the only equitable resolution to this horrific legacy is for Europeans to make “full reparations for our people,” “return the continent to its rightful heirs,” and “go home to their homeland: Europe.”

Lamenting that its ideal of racial purity has been somewhat compromised by the interbreeding that has occurred during the “European colonialism and racism that has enslaved us for over 500 years,” MM nonetheless declares: “Being Mixed-blood … does not stop us from being Nican Tlaca, no matter how ‘white’ one looks. The shades and physical looks of our Mixed-blood people are just scars from the rape of our nation. These scars do not define us! Our core blood, our Pre-European history, our heritage, and our land are all what define us!”

While working toward that long-range goal, MM counsels its people to steadfastly eschew any impulse to assimilate into America’s illegitimate society or to embrace its inherently corrupt values. “We are educating our people against the ignorant suicidal assimilation into European blood and culture,” says MM. “… Assimilation is the slow motion kill. Assimilation means marrying white to kill the brown in us, to kill the heart of us. Assimilation means the end of us. Assimilation sucks us down into the white race. Assimilation kills our race. Assimilation is the death of us. Assimilation is racism. Assimilation is Genocide.”

Just as the Mexica Movement rejects the validity of American borders, so does it reject Western-imposed “racist colonial” labels such as “Hispanic” and “Latino” — terms MM claims were designed to “‘kill off’ our people’s true identity, history, independence, and our rights to our land and its wealth.”

MM advocates a form of socialism / communism as an economic ideal, but rejects “European people’s Eurocentric Marxist … social agendas [that] ignore or minimize … the ongoing racist crimes of the Europeans.” Claiming that Karl Marx himself derived his “best solutions” from “research[ing] … our Nican Tlaca societies,” MM says, “we don’t need the European Karl Marx interpreting the success of our ancestors’ collective societies to us. With proper study, we can interpret ourselves to ourselves a lot better than Mr. Karl Marx.”

“But worse than the Marxist approach for our people,” says MM, “is the suicidal embrace of individualism, materialism, capitalism, ‘Christianity’ … Each of these approaches offer us the ‘opportunity’ to work within colonialism — and the guaranteed extermination of our people. … We are today in the process of being digested by the worldwide European empire that has been built on massive piracy, exploitation, lies, oppression, racism, slavery, cultural destruction, and genocide.”

The Mexica Movement does not confine its activism solely to the goal of returning North America to its pre-Columbian “owners.” MM is a member of the bitterly anti-Israel “Free Palestine Coalition,” along with such organizations as the American Arab-Anti-Discrimination Committee, the Ramsey Clark’s Marxist-Leninist International Action Center, Committee in Solidarity with the People of El Salvador (CISPES), the Socialist Workers Party, the Council on American Islamic Relations , the National Lawyers Guild, the Palestinian American Women Association, Veterans For Peace, the Humanitarian Law Project, Coalition in Solidarity with Cuba, the Chapter of the Committee of Correspondence for Democracy and Socialism, the All African People’s Revolutionary Party, Friends of Sabeel, the Black Radical Congress, the Freedom Socialist Party, Radical Women, and the Islamic Association for Palestine.

In July 2006, Mexica Movement called for ” an immediate international boycott against The Walt Disney Company and all of its holdings.” The boycott was intended as retribution for Disney having allegedly “made a habit of hiring talk show hosts who spread the Minutemen white supremacist racist agenda against the Mexican and Central American communities in the United States.” Specifically, MM cited Paul Harvey and Doug McIntyre, both of whom are nationally syndicated by Disney-owned ABC, as “the top racist Nazis in this campaign against our people”; it accuses the pair of “promoting racist hate against our people and … promoting an atmosphere of fear in our communities.” McIntyre earned the wrath of MM when he gave wide exposure to a taxpayer-funded Los Angeles school whose principal, Marcos Aguilar, advocates racial segregation and considers his school to be part of a larger cultural “struggle” to take possession of the American Southwest. MM villified Harvey as “the other monster,” a man who is “proud of the racist genocide that Europeans committed against the Indigenous people of this continent,” and “the KKK of the radio airwaves.” The organization vowed to continue the boycott “until we are assured of the immediate firing of all of Disney’s ABC racist radio terrorists.”

MM’s current leader is Olin Tezcatlitoca, who maintains the organization’s website.

http://tinyurl.com/3yruef


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Addendum: KALASHNIKOV – Weapon of choice for children, rebels and soldiers…

July 8, 2007 Leave a comment

Weapon of choice for children, rebels and soldiers…

Last Updated: 12:01am BST 28/06/2007

http://tinyurl.com/35xwq8

SEE ALSO:
KALASHNIKOV…
http://tinyurl.com/2lnuug
http://tinyurl.com/2lnuug

Lewis Jones reviews AK47: the Story of the People’s Gun by Michael Hodges

At the beginning of Rambo: First Blood Part II (1985), in which Sylvester Stallone takes on the entire North Vietnamese army with an AK47, an American colleague regards the weapon with scepticism: “A beat-to-shit AK? Every 12-year-old in ‘Nam’s got one of those.” Rambo looks pleased, slowly nods his meaty head, and laboriously masticates his reply: “Exactly.”

Unlike practically everything else in the film, Rambo’s choice of gun is historically accurate. American soldiers in Vietnam were equipped with the M16 rifle, invented by Eugene Stoner, which tended to malfunction if it was even sneezed on. When they came across the Chinese AKs of the fallen Viet Cong, they discovered that they still worked, even if they had been lying in the rain for weeks, so at every opportunity they abandoned their modern capitalist gun for a 25-year-old socialist one.

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Michael Hodges’s breezy history describes how a Soviet antique became the world’s favourite gun. The A stands for “automatic”, the K for “Kalashnikov”, and the 47 for the year of its invention. Mikhail Kalashnikov was born in 1919, the second son of a family of Siberian kulaks who were persecuted under Stalin’s first Five Year Plan. During the German invasion of Russia in 1941, he was a tank sergeant, wounded in a battle with Panzers. The next winter he began work on a prototype, and five years later won a national competition for a new automatic rifle.

Promoted to the rank of general, and proclaimed a Hero of Socialist Labour, Kalashnikov was honoured by Stalin, Khrushchev, Brezhnev, Yeltsin and Putin, collecting the Order of the Red Star, the Stalin Prize First Class, and three Orders of Lenin. He is still alive, subsisting on a modest pension in Izhevsk, and though proud of his invention he describes it as a golem, an imp with a life of its own.

All Soviet schoolchildren were taught to strip an AK in under a minute – it has only eight moving parts – and the gun was deployed throughout the Evil Empire, most notably in Afghanistan and Chechnya. In both places it proved a double-edged sword, appropriated by the locals and turned on their aggressors, as it has been elsewhere.

In Vietnam it became an emblem of resistance, winning victory for peasants in pyjamas and sandals against the world’s greatest military machine; according to Viet Cong propaganda, a soldier named Phan actually shot down a B52 with one. In 1972, it became an emblem of terrorism, when it was used by the Palestinian Black September gang to attack Israeli athletes at the Munich Olympic Games. And in Ramallah today it is emblematic of both, so ubiquitous that one observer said she wouldn’t be surprised to see a dog armed with one.

In 1982, the Israelis gave the Kalashnikovs they had captured from Palestinians to the CIA, which shipped them via Pakistan to the Mujahideen in Afghanistan to fight the Russians. Osama bin Laden’s first AK was a Palestinian gun supplied by the Israelis and given to him by the Americans.

Africa was sent millions of AKs by Russia, China and North Korea. In Mozambique and Angola, sons were named Kalash in its honour, and when Mozambique achieved independence, its flag featured a book, a ploughshare and a Kalashnikov.

After the 2003 invasion of Iraq, the US military neglected to guard the arms dumps and the entire stock of the Iraqi Army’s AKs was stolen, available soon afterwards on the street at less than $100 each, and universally prized as “a flamboyant symbol of masculinity”.

In 2004, a Russian rock star launched an MP3 player modelled on an AK magazine, which when attached to an AK47 plays music into headphones. “This is our bit for world peace,” he explained. The same year Vladimir Putin sent George W Bush a bottle of Russian vodka in the shape of a Kalashnikov, which might have seemed a peculiar present for a teetotaller who has never fought on a battlefield, but was no doubt meant as a timely reminder that, for all its popularity in America – with gun clubs (as a “sporting” weapon, its firing rate of 650 rounds per minute making it just the thing for quail or elk), disaffected students and the enterprising gangs of Detroit and New Orleans – the AK was invented in Russia rather than Hollywood.

Hodges pursues his subject with commendable energy and bravery – on patrol with Alpha Company in Baghdad he comes under AK fire – but his prose tends to over-excitement and cliché, and one sometimes wonders about the reliability of his reporting. He writes, for example, about drinking coffee in an Arab café with a view of Edgware Road Tube station. I don’t know about Baghdad, but I live across the road from that station, and there’s no such place.

Information appearing on telegraph.co.uk is the copyright of Telegraph Media Group Limited and must not be reproduced in any medium without licence. For the full copyright statement see Copyright

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http://tinyurl.com/35xwq8

SEE ALSO:
KALASHNIKOV…
http://tinyurl.com/2lnuug
http://tinyurl.com/2lnuug

******************************

 

******
Gunny G’s GLOBE and ANCHOR
~Sites*Forums*Blogs~
R.W. “Dick” Gaines
GnySgt USMC (Ret.)
1952–(Plt #437, PISC)–’72
“The Original Gunny G!”
***************************
Sites…
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**********
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Take America Back!
Semper Fidelis
Dick Gaines
~~~~~~~~~~

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